Toespraak Bondskanselier Merkel over prioriteiten Duits voorzitterschap (en)

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen,

It is a pleasure to be here today to talk to you as President of the EU Council. We, the Federal Government - next week's council meeting, which we will talk about today, was preceded by many individual council meetings - have prepared ourselves very well for this presidency.

As you know, the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome falls during Germany's EU presidency. I think we can safely say that, just as in 1957, the European Union has once again reached an important juncture, although admittedly the conditions today are completely different to those 50 years ago. At that time, it was a question of rebuilding Europe and laying durable foundations for a prosperity which was in its infancy. Today, it is a question of making adjustments which we so far have omitted to make or have only half-completed in order to adapt the European Union to its new size, on the one hand, and to a world which has changed completely, on the other.

As holder of the EU presidency, the Federal Government is facing up to this responsibility. We intend to move the European project forward. People - and this is our goal - should feel that the European Union is something beneficial. To achieve this, the European Union and what happens within it must meet with the approval of its citizens.

One thing is clear here: Europe will only be able to assert its values and way of life, and continue to win support for them, if it succeeds economically. We know that the world is not waiting for Europe. Other world regions - and this is characteristic of globalization - are developing at what is sometimes a breathtaking pace. Today, many countries are striving to achieve more prosperity and better living conditions for their peoples as well.

Economic success is, as we know, not a value in itself but rather should be a means of benefiting people, all people if possible, and offering them opportunities in life. This is the credo, as we call it in Germany, of the social market economy. By creating the internal market, Europe has - I think there is no doubt about it - written successful economic history. Nor is there any doubt in my mind that Germany, as an export-oriented economy, has profited significantly from this internal market. It is important that the fruits of this success also be put to the benefit of those who depend on our social solidarity. The same applies to citizens in the European Union. The same also applies to our ability to provide help and support outside Europe's boundaries.

Europe stands for a combination of strong economic performance and a fair deal for all members of society. But we sense that this model, which has worked for many decades, is increasingly coming under new pressure from globalization. We will have to see how we can react to this. We must ask ourselves: prosperity for everyone - what does that mean, and what do we need to do to achieve it in the 21st century?

I think it is clear that, in order to achieve these goals, we first of all need growth and pronounced growth at that: qualitative growth, but also, in many areas, quantitative growth. Without growth, it will not be possible to maintain our level of prosperity; and so it will also not be possible to practise solidarity. If people are to continue having a sense of solidarity and public spirit in the 21st century, we must do everything to remain an efficient, productive society in the European Union.

As you know, the traditional focus of the Spring Council, which takes place next week on 8 and 9 March, is precisely this issue of economic dynamism and Europe's competitiveness on the international markets. We are well aware of one thing here: boosting competitiveness, creating new jobs and improving social cohesion are all equally important, mutually inclusive goals. This is what we understand by political reform, and it is also what we understand by what we know as the "European social model".

This social model is not accepted everywhere in the world. Europe must fight to assert this model as a successful, competitive model and set the necessary standards.

Now, we know that it is the Member States which are to a very great extent responsible for the success of this strategy. And it is precisely for that reason that we are discussing comprehensive reform plans here at home. Of course, our efforts must be supported by the regulatory framework laid down by the European Union, by Brussels. Therefore, we have set very specific focuses within the Lisbon Strategy for this year's Spring Council. These include social cohesion issues. These include energy policy and climate protection. These include expanding and completing the internal market and also creating more flexibility by reducing bureaucracy. These are the focuses of this year's Spring Council.

The Commission has stated that 75% of the activities planned as part of the Lisbon Strategy have already been implemented. A combination of national and European efforts is required to achieve the objectives of the Lisbon Strategy. Of course, we also know that we are still a good bit away from realizing these objectives, namely becoming the most dynamic, creative and high-growth continent in the world. In other words, there is still much to do.

At the same time - and this deserves mention - we have also made progress. A recent study conducted by Allianz and the Lisbon Council think-tank showed that Sweden, Belgium, Germany and the UK had caught up with the US on productivity. We all know how relative such studies can be. But I believe that these results give encouragement, especially for making further reforms.

Figures confirm that Europe's economy has, on the whole, become more dynamic. After 1.7% growth in 2005, we saw 2.8% growth last year. Unemployment - for many people, job creation is the most important issue - is expected to drop from 8.8% in 2005 to 7.3% in 2008.

We know that Germany has a key part to play in this concerted European effort. I do not want to overrate them too much, but yesterday's employment figures show that we are on the right path. Of course, we cannot be content when over 4 million people are still jobless. But we can at least say that huge progress has been made since last year. We must continue our efforts here and continue to build on this progress.

We know that a reduction in unnecessary bureaucracy can have a significant impact on economic growth. The European Commission has set itself the goal of reducing bureaucracy for companies by 25% by 2011. According to the European Commission, this represents a chance for additional economic growth of around 1.5%. So this path is worthwhile. That is why I welcome this goal to reduce bureaucracy. I hope we can reach agreement on this at the Council next week. Yesterday in the Cabinet, we decided that bureaucracy relating to statistical and reporting requirements in Germany should be reduced by around 25%. I believe this is a good complementary national target on which we can then base demands for similar changes in Europe as well.

We realize that we need a regulatory framework for economic development, but this framework must provide the necessary amount of leeway and freedom. That is why another priority we have set for this year is to do our utmost to ensure the successful conclusion of the Doha round. After all, we know that both the European Union, and in particular Germany, as the world's leading exporting nation, can profit from a liberalization of world trade. But we also know that we can help developing countries in a special way by conducting world trade fairly. The need to move forward on this issue is extremely pressing.

We want to complement efforts to make world trade fair - and I would like to stress this point because it is sometimes confused - with a closer trans-Atlantic economic partnership. This is not a question of duties or tariff barriers, but rather a question of achieving more harmonization of EU and US regulations with regard to the protection of intellectual property, financial market regulations and industry product standards. We believe that we can thus generate a significant amount of scope which we can then use for innovation and creativity. In light of the competition from China and India, action such as this is an urgent priority. I am happy to say there are encouraging signs that we can reach agreement on precisely this issue at the next European Council.

This form of trans-Atlantic economic partnership will also be addressed at the EU United States of America Summit at the end of April which we will use as a forum for pushing forward with this project.

Ladies and gentlemen, we know that secure energy supplies are a particularly important element of a secure economic future. In other words, we need reliable, affordable and sustainable energy. Of course, the issue of climate protection is directly linked to this issue. Both are important engines for growth. That is why this will be one of the focuses of the next European Council. If the talks are successful, we will establish a strategic basis for competitive, climate-compatible and secure energy supplies as this is a prerequisite for the European Union's being able to continue developing at a reasonable rate.

We should remind ourselves again of the challenge that climate protection poses if we really take the international and scientific reports we hear seriously. If we continue as before, then by 2030, greenhouse gas emissions worldwide will have increased by 55% in relation to 1990 values. We cannot turn a blind eye to the fact that this will have dire consequences. I ask you: Do we want to turn a blind eye to the fact that in the last 12 years we have experienced 11 of the warmest years since records began? Do we just want to sit back and watch sea levels rise, endangering cities like Amsterdam, Venice, Cairo and Mumbai? Do we want a world with weather phenomena previously unheard of, such as tropical nights in the Harz region (as forecast for the middle of this century)? I do not believe that we can simply stand back and do nothing, especially when we know from the Stern review what the economic price of non-action will be. It is time to act, and so we must act.

We began this debate last year at the Spring Council when we were discussing energy, as well as climate protection. The Commission subsequently responded by putting forward its proposals on an integrated strategy, a qualitative step forward. The Council's task now is to promote this strategy. We have set ambitious climate protection targets. I strongly back the proposal - and I am pleased that the Energy and Environment Council also signalled its support - that greenhouse gas emissions in the European Union be reduced by 20 per cent by 2020. If other international players join us then we will even consider a 30 per cent reduction.

I cannot deny that this is a truly ambitious goal. However, the Kyoto Protocol requires that the European Union reduce CO2 emissions by 8 per cent between 1990 and 2012, that is to say within 22 years. We have now committed ourselves to a further reduction of 12 per cent between 2012 and 2020, that is to say within eight years. Today, at the beginning of 2007, we in the European Union have achieved 1.2 per cent of the agreed 8 per cent reduction. Within the framework of the Kyoto Protocol, the Federal Republic of Germany has committed itself - even though we only account for 20 per cent of the inhabitants and one quarter of the emissions in the European Union - to assume 75 per cent of the reduction commitment because, of course, we had a bit of a head-start due to German unification. That will not be possible in the next period. That is the scale of the obligations into which the European Union is willing to enter.

I want to state quite clearly that we will have to prove in the period until 2020 - and we want to do this - that ecology and economy are compatible and that strategies can be developed which facilitate both economic growth and the creation of jobs while ensuring that natural resources are used sustainably. That is the huge task facing us.

I therefore feel it is only right that the Commission did not stop at setting a target but also formulated ambitious goals which show us how to reach that target.

One key to this is energy efficiency, that is to say how we can achieve the same while consuming less energy. The German Government, with the support of the German Bundestag, has embarked on a new course with its CO2 Building Rehabilitation Programme. However, I want to point out that what we have achieved within this context regarding CO2 emission reductions will have to be exceeded many times over if we are to reach our overall targets. Our CO2 Building Rehabilitation Programme will save about one million tonnes of CO2 emissions. Compared to the total requirement this is a step in the right direction but it is not nearly enough.

It is therefore both right and important that we invest considerable sums in technology and in energy efficiency research. At national level, the High-Tech Strategy is, of course, intended to serve this purpose, while within the European Union it is the 7th Framework Research Programme. Never before has the European Union had such a comprehensive research programme. Naturally, it has to deal with the full spectrum of greenhouse gas emissions. In addition to renewable energies, a main priority, this includes low-carbon technologies with carbon capture and storage, which is a new field. The European Union plans to build twelve demonstration plants by 2015. Vattenfall has begun planning the first plant here in Brandenburg. You have to realize that capturing CO2 has a detrimental impact on the efficiency of coal-fired power stations. This is the very sphere in which we have to carry out research. The storage issues - later also the use of CO2 - are completely unresolved technical problems but, at the same time, very exciting issues.

We will work towards ensuring - and this is an incredibly ambitious goal - that carbon capture technologies of this kind are on the market on a commercial scale by 2020.

We need low-emission vehicles and Plus Energy Houses, that is to say houses which generate more energy than they consume.

I want to comment briefly on the vehicle debate because I believe that the public discussion on this issue is sometimes distorted. The Federal Government supports the aim to reduce CO2 emissions to 120 grams per kilometre on average for European vehicles by 2012, firstly to 130 grams through technology and subsequently to 120 grams by ensuring that biofuels make up 10 per cent of vehicle fuels. There is agreement on this. However, we were adamant that these targets should not apply to each individual manufacturer but, rather, to average consumption. We managed to convince the Commission to accept this. That does not mean, however, that less effort should be put into improving the efficiency of large vehicles than that of others.

But it does mean that those manufacturers whose vehicles already emit less than 120 grams per kilometre have an obligation to carry out technical improvements to bring down the average. That applies to everyone.

The European Union is already a world leader in the sphere of renewable energies. In the case of wind energy we have - and we can be proud of this - a world market share of 60 per cent.

It must be puzzling to the Chinese and Indians to hear us arguing in this House about who is meant by "we".

Let us be happy that we have a world market share of 60 per cent in wind energy. Whether this was the result of a law introduced by our colleague Dietrich Austermann, now a minister in Schleswig-Holstein, or whether it was introduced later is neither here nor there. What matters is that we are successful. Let us take ten seconds now, ladies and gentlemen, to savour our success.

Incidentally, in order to implement all of this we have to strengthen competition in Europe by establishing the internal market for gas and electricity. We have seen in recent weeks once more that this is not so easy.

We hope to adopt an Energy Action Plan at next week's European Council meeting. This Action Plan, containing obligations which will be in place for many years, is the first joint European response to the challenges posed by energy policy. I believe it represents an important and valuable step forward.

If we agree on the climate protection targets we have in mind at present, our G8 Presidency as well as the EU US and EU-Russia summits will provide us with an opportunity to show that Europe is leading the way and to set an example in the sphere of climate protection.

Admittedly, the European Union accounts for only 15 per cent of global CO2 emissions so it is obvious that Europe cannot solve the climate problem on its own. Therefore, we have to persuade others to join us. For me, however, it is clear that if we in Europe can show that efficiency and environmental compatibility, as well as economy and ecology, are compatible, then we will be world leaders in this field in terms of technology and innovation. It will also demonstrate our willingness to shoulder responsibility for the world. Europe has to seize this opportunity. That will help us to win the support of others.

We all know that Europe is more than just directives, decisions about dairy cows, olive groves and chemicals. The ability of the 27 Member States to reach compromises on individual issues time and again can be put down to the fact that we are united by a common understanding, a common canon of values. We have to think of this Europe from the viewpoint of citizens, of ordinary people. We will therefore use the celebrations to mark the 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome on 24 and 25 March to highlight this essential feature of Europe in the Declaration of Berlin, on the one hand by mentioning what has been achieved and, on the other, by listing the tasks for the 21st century.

We know that the question as to what will happen to the Constitutional Treaty after our Presidency is - I believe rightly so - vitally important to our Presidency and, even more so, to the future of the European Union. It will determine how we go into the 2009 European elections. We know that we cannot shape the European Union's common future on the basis of the Nice Treaty. We need a treaty which focuses more on regional, that is to say, subsidiary responsibility, which renders Europe's institutions efficient, which makes it clear what unites the European Union. That is why we will carry on working until June on a roadmap to determine how we should proceed with the Constitutional Treaty. Initial consultations have shown that, despite all the difficulties, there is widespread consensus that we have to send the message that this European Union is capable of action.

The Federal Government will do everything in its power to ensure this.

For we know that Europe is our future. Global trade, environmental protection, illegal migration and international security issues - nation-states can no longer master all of these tasks on their own. Virtually no area of policy - we see that here in the Bundestag - is unaffected by what is going on at international level. Because that is so, I hope that despite all the problems and difficulties, we Europeans will remain conscious of the European Union's great opportunities for the future! We must realize that it is up to us to ensure that the European success story of the last 50 years continues in the next 50 years by - just like the founding fathers 50 years ago - looking at the bigger picture and recognizing the main challenges of our century. That will enable us to create what we have largely already created: an area of peace, freedom, security and prosperity. This goal is worth every effort.

Thank you very much.